The True Face Of Israeli RacismMore Articles By Steven PlautSteven Plaut
Posted Nov 24 2010
Allow us to introduce you to young Kochav Segal Halevi. The 26-year-old Israeli is receiving death threats. In fact, he had to go into hiding. His offense? He purchased an apartment in the Arab town of Ibillin, not far from Haifa.
The Arabs there do not like the idea of their town being polluted by the presence of a Jew. I mean, one Jew and there goes the neighborhood. Arabs who sell property to Jews have similarly been threatened and attacked. And of course the moderates from the Palestinian Authority routinely torture and execute Arabs who sell to Jews.
I mention this because the leftist media in Israel and in the world are, as usual, up in arms over supposed Israeli Jewish racism against Arabs.
Yes, there are Jewish closed communities in Israel, some of them religiously observant, where one must be accepted by admissions committees, and they tend to refuse membership to Arabs “to preserve the character of the community.” (In religious communities, non-religious Jews get barred as well. Other communities, including kibbutzim, have age and marital status restrictions.)
But the reality is that, by and large, Israeli Arabs can live in just about any Jewish area in the country, while Jews cannot move into any Arab town, village or neighborhood. Jews cannot move into the Arab areas because they will be murdered if they move there. Every Israeli understands these unwritten “rules of the game.”
In fact, Jews often risk their lives just passing through Arab areas, as a group of four Jewish Hebrew University students discovered during a recent weekend when they were almost lynched after making a wrong turn into an Arab neighborhood next to the campus.
Arabs from (Arab) Nazareth routinely buy housing in (Jewish) Upper Nazareth, but Jews from Upper Nazareth never purchase property in (Arab) Nazareth, knowing they’d be killed if they did. During the pogroms by Galilee Arabs in the summer of 2000, Arabs invaded Upper Nazareth and attacked Jews there. The Jews of Upper Nazareth did not attack Arabs in Nazareth. So who are the racists there?
More generally, the new party line of the radical Left is that, yes, Arabs must be permitted to live anywhere they want among Israeli Jews, but no, Jews must be prevented from ever moving into areas the Left regards as “Arab” – i.e., places where Jews do not belong. Hebrew University’s tenured leftists and their jihadi fellow travelers have been leading the marches in Jerusalem to prevent Jews from moving into neighborhoods inside Jerusalem regarded by the Left as areas where Jews are regarded as “intruders.”
Many parts of the Galilee today have Arab majorities. The Jews in Carmiel and Safed, to name but two towns, feel they are under demographic siege. Much of the local opposition to Arabs moving into those towns is based on the fact that violence and hostilities have broken out whenever significant numbers of Arabs moved to neighborhoods there. After all, we are in the middle of a war and the local Arabs, by and large, openly identify with the country’s enemies.
The anti-Israel Left sees “racism” in calls to restrict Arabs moving into the Jewish towns of the Galilee, but has never expressed an iota of criticism about the violent threats that prevent Jews from moving into Arab areas. Those folks have had nothing to say about the plight of young Halevi. That’s not racism, you see.
The Left also is completely silent about the violent attacks by Arabs against right-wing Jewish protesters who hold marches in some Arab towns, like Umm al-Fahm, the seat of the Israeli Arab pro-jihad Islamofascist movement (a movement that openly identifies with the Hamas). After all, those Jewish marchers are violating the anti-Jewish sensitivities of the local Arabs.
Of course, when gay pride marches are held in Jewish religious neighborhoods of Jerusalem (but never, mind you, in Muslim neighborhoods there), no leftist thinks those marchers should be expected to respect local sensitivities.
It is true that threats against Jews, which effectively prevent Jews from living in Arab areas in the Galilee and Negev and elsewhere, are not formal and officially proclaimed. Nevertheless, everyone in the country understands the threats of violence that operate against Jews seeking to live in Arab areas.
Again, the leftist knee-jerk response to Jewish “invasions” of areas where “Jews do not belong” has been to demand that the Jews be evicted. Arabs routinely move into many Jewish neighborhoods in Jerusalem, Tel Aviv and Haifa and there have been virtually no incidents of violence against them. Meanwhile the Left keeps insisting that any peace deal with the Palestinian Authority must involve the complete eviction of all Jews living in the West Bank. Arabs will be free to live in Israel after any such “peace deal,” but Jews must be prohibited from living in what could become “Palestinian areas.”
So who are the real racists? Where is the real apartheid?
Archive for November, 2010
Shining A Light On Shariah Creep
Investor’s Business Daily – Nov 10, 2010
Posted 11/10/2010 07:14 PM ET
Islamofascism: The Council on American-Islamic Relations may wish it never sued to overturn an Oklahoma ban on Shariah law. Now the entire nation will get to see it and other Islamists’ true anti-American colors.
CAIR is thumping its chest over persuading a Clinton-appointed federal judge to temporarily block Oklahoma from enacting a state constitutional amendment that prohibits state courts from considering Islamic law when deciding cases. Fully 70% of Oklahoma voters passed the landmark measure.
But CAIR has ignited a legal firestorm that will likely rage all the way to the Supreme Court. Thanks to CAIR’s latest bit of lawfare, Americans will get to hear a long overdue debate not just about the constitutionality of such bans on Shariah law but about the constitutionality of Shariah law itself.
This is not a debate CAIR wants to have, since it ultimately will have to defend the indefensible. It claims in a press release that Shariah law is “a dynamic legal framework” derived from Islamic scripture “and analytical reasoning.”
In fact, there’s nothing reasoned about it. It’s a medieval legal code that administers cruel and unusual punishments such as stonings, amputations and honor killings. Think the Taliban.
Shariah can be seen in action this week with Pakistan’s death sentence on a Christian woman for blasphemy. Between 1986 and 2009, at least 974 people have been charged for defiling the Quran or insulting the Muslim Prophet Muhammad.
CAIR, which thinks free speech is a one-way street, is working with the Organization of the Islamic Conference on an international blasphemy law that would criminalize “Islamophobia,” according to the book, “Muslim Mafia: Inside the Secret Underworld That’s Conspiring to Islamize America.”
Shariah also permits wife-beating, something CAIR also knows about. Its sister organization, the Islamic Society of North America, condones it in its fatwas (or religious rulings) for Muslim Americans. More, CAIR distributes a book, “The Meaning of the Holy Quran,” which authorizes men to hit their wives.
CAIR says it’s just a “civil rights advocacy group.” But the Justice Department says it’s a front group for Hamas and its parent, the radical Muslim Brotherhood, a worldwide jihadist movement that has a secret plan to impose Shariah law on the U.S.
“From its founding by Muslim Brotherhood leaders, CAIR conspired with other affiliates of the Muslim Brotherhood to support terrorists,” said Assistant U.S. Attorney Gordon Kromberg in a recent court filing.
U.S. prosecutors in 2007 named CAIR an unindicted co-conspirator in a criminal scheme led by the Holy Land Foundation to funnel millions to Hamas suicide bombers and their families.
Racist Arab anti-Zionist [G. Achcar] has a “book” out about Arabs & the Nazis. What’s next in revisionism?November 26, 2010
Racist (Lebanese) Arab anti-Zionist [G. Achcar] has a “book” out about Arabs & the Nazis. What’s next in revisionism?
Not in Moderation
Not in Moderation The Wise Man It Will Not Go Away November 1, 2010 | 12:00 am
Print. The Arabs and the Holocaust: The Arab-Israeli War of Narratives
by Gilbert Achcar
Metropolitan Books, 386 pp., $30
In a chapter on “stigmas and stigmatization,” Achcar underscores his rejection of Zionism. He presents himself as one of “the humanists of the two communities” of Israelis and Palestinians caught between “neo-Zionism and xenophobia on the one hand, ultranationalism and Islamic fundamentalism on the other.” “The bigoted notion,” he adds, “that all Jews are Zionists has its pendant in the bigoted notion that all Arabs are anti-Semites.” The pairing in the sentence repeats Achcar’s assumption that Zionism and anti-Semitism are equally repugnant forms of racism. He then dismisses the arguments of Harkabi, Lewis, Robert Wistrich, Yehuda Bauer, and others regarding a “new anti-Semitism” in recent years in the Arab and Islamic world and among Muslim immigrants to Europe. He spends five pages on “the new anti-Semitism” without presenting a shred of evidence that its advocates have put forward to document its existence. He gives Bernard Lewis a rhetorical pat on the back for not indulging in “the excesses of anti-Arab propaganda” which presumably flow from the pens of others, yet he never presents an example of a serious scholar who has suggested that all Arabs or all Muslims are anti-Semites.
Achcar is a man at war with what he has written in his own book. It is Achcar, not us supposed Islamophobes and anti-Arab racists, who documents the tradition of Pan-Islamism and the fusion of Nazism and Islamic fundamentalism that was a key chapter in its history. The same author who traced this tradition from Rida to Husseini now writes as if the terms “Islamism” and “Islamofascism” are the product of anti-Islamic bigotry. Isn’t it possible, and even likely, that those he denounces for criticizing Islamism in recent years have arrived at conclusions similar to his own regarding the Islamists of the 1930s and 1940s because they, like him, concluded that there was good evidence in both cases to do so?
“Icon of Evil: Hitler’s Mufti and the Rise of Radical Islam,” David Dalin, John Rothmann, Alan Dershowitz, Transaction Publishers: 2009 http://books.google.com/books?id=QMts5Z36kjAC
“Nazi propaganda for the Arab world,” Jeffrey Herf, Yale University Press: 2009
Wild, Stefan. “National Socialism in the Arab near East between 1933 and 1939.” Die Welt des Islams, 1985, pp. 126-137
“Jihad and Jew-hatred: Islamism, Nazism and the roots of 9/11,” Matthias Küntzel, Telos Press Publishing: 2007
Reference Guide to the Nazis and Arabs During the Holocaust: A Concise Guide to the Relationship and Conspiracy of the Nazis and the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem in North Africa and the Middle East During the Era of the Holocaust” Shelomo Alfassa
“The Nazi Connection to Islamic Terrorism: Adolf Hitler and Haj Amin Al-Husseini,” Chuck Morse, iUniverse: 2003
Racism: The reality whose name we do not speak
Jerusalem Post – Seth J. Frantzman – Nov 2, 2010
The absence of discussion about Arab racism is a phenomenon of the old Western postcolonial view that only the minority suffers racism while the majority is always the perpetrator. Racism by the minority is “resistance,” “authentic,” “spontaneous,” “hooliganism” or “nationalism.”
I WAS witness to the “hooliganism.” Walking to a bus stop across from the Hebrew University, I saw four Arab youths walking in the middle of the street. Every time a car driven by Jews passed, they would jump in front of it, make menacing gestures, laugh and then let it pass. The same day a 57-year-old Jew was stabbed in the Old City by two 20-year-old Arabs who, according to police, went there to stab a Jew.
In mid-October in the village of Deir al-Assad in the Galilee, a Jewish woman on leave from the IDF drove into the neighborhood with her Jewish friends looking for a bakery. She was immediately sexually harassed – what the police described as “teased” – by young Arab men. While attempting to leave, a stone was thrown through the car window, fracturing her skull. The police subsequently arrested an Arab man “on suspicion that the [he] was driving the car at the time of the incident and was involved in the assault.”
The police concluded that “there is no evidence indicating the assault was motivated by anything other than hooliganism.” The mayor of the village condemned the attack “and underscored the good relations between” its residents and the Jews in nearby Karmiel.
Of course it’s not the only story in the news regarding hooliganism and racism. On October 8 Arab children gathered in Silwan for what had become a daily event. Lookouts were posted to watch for cars driven by Jews. When they arrived, the children threw stones at them. On that day, for some reason, a number of cameramen were invited to watch the ritual and good footage resulted. An accident resulted in which a Jewish driver, David Be’eri, struck two of the children.
Of course this rock throwing takes place against a backdrop of tensions in east Jerusalem between Jews wishing to live there and Arabs who see their neighborhoods as being invaded by settlers. The “hooliganism” is a daily occurrence, whether it’s in the Negev or Route 65 that runs through Umm el-Fahm.
In Jerusalem the Jewish victim of the stoning is called a “settler.”
But what is more interesting is a third term that crops up from time to time: “nationalist motives.” In 2007 French-Jewish immigrant Julian Soufir “decided to murder an Arab.”
He lured taxi driver Taysir Karaki to his apartment in Tel Aviv, slit his throat and left his body in the apartment.
The head of the Yarkon District police investigation unit “suspected that there was a nationalistic motive behind the murder.”
MK Ahmed Tibi noted that an “atmosphere of incitement, hatred of Arabs and escalating racism in the country are fertile soil for this crime.”
On August 15, 2009, six Arab men from Jaljulya and their Jewish girlfriends, one of whom was a soldier and another a minor from Petah Tikva, went to Tel Baruch beach, north of Tel Aviv. Arik Karp, his wife and daughter were out for a stroll. One of the Arabs harassed them, “baiting them by asking the father to fix him up with one of the women.”
Then two others came and assaulted the Jewish women, who managed to escape. The Arabs then beat Arik Karp, whose dead body was found later on the beach, purchased more alcohol and went to a forest where they lit a fire and danced through the night. The case against them is ongoing more than a year later.
There was no outcry about racism in the Karp murder.
Prime Minister Binyamin Netanyahu condemned what he called “domestic terrorism.”
In the end it is all semantics. There are no “nationalist” motives. There is no “hooliganism.”
There is only racism.
The one deciding factor in each case was race.
Had Arik Karp been Khalid Musa or Taysir Karaki been Ben Cohen they would be alive today, and had David Be’eri or the Jews from Karmiel been Arabs entering an Arab neighborhood no one would have harassed them. In many communities here the evils of the American Old South are alive and well, and the police seem to distort the nature of the crimes in the name of “quiet.”
Tibi is right, there is escalating murderous racism, and a lot of it is in his own community.
Until we address the truth rather than covering it over with semantics and “coexistence” initiatives, the racism will only grow. Those who put themselves in charge of talking about racism rarely witness its manifestations, and those who know it firsthand will never accept the pie-in-the-sky slogans about ending it.
Is there one positive note to this whole story? When the Arab youths on Mount Scopus were harassing Jewish drivers, they were approached by a woman who shouted at them that they should be ashamed: “You are the reason people say terrible things about Arabs!” The woman was Arab.
The writer is a PhD researcher at Hebrew University and a fellow at the Jerusalem Institute for Market Studies.
‘ARAB NAZI PARTY / PARTIES’
Middle Eastern Myths “The Myth of Yasser Arafat”
During the war, Arab Nazi parties were founded throughout the Middle East. The most influential one was “Young Egypt” which was established in 1933. …
Armies of the young: child soldiers in war and terrorism – Page 106
David M. Rosen – 2005 – 199 pages
Others argued that the “Land is in need of a youth, healthy in body and soul like the Nazi … paramilitary forces. Palestinian students educated in Germany returned to Palestine determined to found the Arab Nazi Party of Palestine.
Semites and anti-Semites: an inquiry into conflict and prejudice – Page 147 Bernard Lewis – 1999 – 295 pages
A first attempt to found an Arab Nazi movement seems to date from the summer of 1933, when the Jaffa correspondent of the … The mood of the 1930s was vividly described by Syrian Saml al- Jundi, an early leader of the Bacth party, …
The third Reich & the Palestine question – Page 90
Francis R. Nicosia – 2000 – 319 pages
Wolff’s strong opposition to any sort of German encouragement or support for an Arab Nazi party in Palestine was conveyed in a note to the Foreign Office in Berlin in June, 1933, in which he argued: Because the strengthening of the
First things: Issues 154-158
Institute on Religion and Public Life – 2005 – [Page 14]
Several of the Arab political parties founded during the 1930s were modeled after the Nazi party, including the Syrian Popular Party and the Young Egypt Society, which were explicitly anti-Semitic in their ideology and programs. …
The Nazi Connection to Islamic Terrorism: Adolf Hitler and Haj Amin Al-Husseini By Chuck Morse – Page 28 – 2003 – 186 pages
Al- Husseini’s own Palestine Arab Party stood for the expulsion of all Jewish settlers and an independent Arab … efforts to assist in the development of what would become distinctly Nazi-Arab style organizations and political parties…
The Demonic Comedy – Page 12
Paul William Roberts, Jay Ed. Roberts – 2004 – 308 pages
When the revolutionary Ba’ath regime — a kind of Arab Nazi Party — came to power in July 1968, no Jew left in Iraq was safe. In the wake of the Arabs’ massive defeat by Israel during the Six Day War of 1967, a state of shocked disbelief …
Chronology of Persecution: The Nazi/Arab plots to exterminate Jews
Oct 18, 2010 … They embraced Nazi slogans and inspired other pro-Nazi parties in the Arab world . Hitler’s first congratulatory telegrams came from Arab …
Nazi propaganda for the Arab world –
Jeffrey Herf – 2009 – History – 335 pages – Page 90
While abroad, Ettel was active in the Nazi Party’s foreign branches … the Mufti assured Ettel that Arab and German interests were “completely overlapping” and that “the Arab felt closely bound to the Germans in the struggle against world Jewry,” England, and the United States…
The Nazi Background of Saddam Hussein.. Feb 21, 2003 … Rashid Ali and the so-called “golden square” cabal of pro-Nazi …The Mufti, after instigating a pogrom against Jews in Palestine in 1920, the first such pogrom against Jews in the Arab world in hundreds of years, went on to inspire the development of pro-Nazi parties throughout the Arab world including Young Egypt, led by Gamal Abdul Nasser, and the Social Nationalist Party of Syria led by Anton Sa’ada.
Nazi War Criminals in Arab Countries – David S. Wyman Institute …May 10, 2006… several former German military and Nazi party officials … were granted sanctuary in Arab countries, most notably Egypt.” …
Nazi Roots of Palestinian Nationalism
By David Storobin
“Our fundamental condition for cooperating with Germany was a free hand to eradicate every last Jew from Palestine and the Arab world. I asked Hitler for an explicit undertaking to allow us to solve the Jewish problem in a manner befitting our national and racial aspirations and according to the scientific methods innovated by Germany in the handling of its Jews. The answer I got was: The Jews are yours.”
Former Mufti of Jerusalem Haj Amin al-Husseini in his post-World War II memoirs.
“The Mufti was one of the initiators of the systematic extermination of European Jewry and had been a collaborator and adviser of Eichmann and Himmler in the execution of this plan… He was one of Eichmann’s best friends and had constantly incited him to accelerate the extermination measures.”
Adolf Eichmann`s deputy Dieter Wisliceny in his Nuremberg Trials testimony.
Within weeks of Adolf Hitler`s ascendance to power, the Mufti of Jerusalem, Haj Amin al-Husseini, contacted the German counsel-general in Palestine. With the exception of funding some anti-Semitic riots, Germans rejected the Arab`s overtures until 1937, when Adolf Eichmann and Herbert Hagen were sent to Palestine to establish a framework to provide Husseini with military and financial aid by Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy.
By then, the Mufti had already proven his anti-Jewish credentials to the Germans by organizing a three-year-long series of riots and massacres.
On April 19, 1936, a crowd of Arabs stumbled upon Jews in the town of Jaffa. Having been incited by Mufti-spread rumors that Zionists were killing Muslims, the crowd decided to kill three of the Jews they met. Six days later, the Arab Higher Committee was created, with al-Husseini presiding over the new body. The committee openly endorsed past violence and began organizing future terror.
Nazi Agents Infiltrated Mandatory Palestine Prior to World War II
By David Krusch
Smuggled photographs of documents from Nazi Germany prior to World War II offer insight into a secret alliance between Nazi agents and Palestinian leaders. These German documents, photographed by an American spy in 1937 and sent to British intelligence, are now housed in the British National Archives in London. The documents show, among other things, that the Nazis attempted to send a shipment of arms “via Turkey and addressed to Ibn Saud, but really intended for the Palestinian insurgents.”
According to British documents and photographed Nazi records, several Nazi agents were sent to Mandatory Palestine to meet with Palestinian leaders, and influence them into rejecting a proposed partition plan which would divide the Jewish and Arab populations. Adam Vollhardt, a Nazi agent, was sent to Palestine in July 1938, and held several meetings with Arab leaders. He told Palestinian leaders that “Germany was interested in the settlement of the question on the basis of the Arabs obtaining their full demands,” and the “Germans could continue to support the Palestinian Arab cause by means of propaganda.”
Germany believed that Palestine under Arab control would be one of the few countries that would give “strong sympathy” to the new Germany under Nazi rule. A report from German General Consulate in Palestine in 1937 stated, “The formation of a Jewish state…is not in Germany’s interest because a (Jewish) Palestinian state would create additional national power bases for international Jewry such as for example the Vatican State political Catholicism or Moscow for the Communists.” The Nazis attempted to boost the power of Palestinian leaders in order to counter Jewish national aspirations for a state in Palestine.
In 1937, a Nazi official wrote a letter from Palestine to Berlin which said that Palestinian Arabs showed “a great sympathy for new Germany and its Fuhrer…based on a purely ideological foundation.” Another agent, Dr. Franz Reichart was working in conjunction with Palestinians “to help coordinate Arab and German propaganda.”
The documents also show that due to increased Nazi-Arab alliances, the British government cancelled a plan in 1938 to bring 20,000 German Jewish refugees to Palestine so it would not upset Arab opinion. A British Foreign Office report said that when British representatives in Arab countries were asked if Arab governments would support a proposal to bring 5,000 Jewish children to Palestine for adoption, they said the reaction would be so strongly negative that the Arabs would probably refuse to even send delegates to London to discuss such a proposal. Lord Chatfield, Minister for Coordination of Defence, was quoted as saying, “If war were to break out, no trouble that the Jews could occasion us…could weigh for the a moment against the importance of winning Muslim opinion to our side.” Therefore, 20,000 Jewish refugees, many of them children, were abandoned and left in Nazi Germany to face the horrors of the Holocaust.
The “Final Solution” in Eretz Yisrael…
Historians have long understood that a Nazi conquest of North Africa would likely have led to the murder of the Jews in Mandatory Palestine. This is evident from Nazi ideology, much circumstantial evidence, widespread Arab sympathy for Nazi Germany, and the outspoken identification of the mufti of Jerusalem (then living in Berlin) with the Nazis as allies against the Jews and the British. However, no specific Nazi plan for the murder of the Jews in the Yishuv and the Middle East had actually been uncovered until now.
In their article originally published in Yad Vashem Studies (Vol. 35, no. 1), “‘Elimination of the Jewish National Home in Palestine’: The Einsatzkommando of the Panzer Army Africa, 1942,” Klaus-Michael Mallmann and Martin C=FCppers tell the hitherto undocumented story of Nazi plans to murder the Jews of the Middle East…. widespread Arab sympathy for Nazi Germany, and the outspoken identification of the Mufti of Jerusalem (then living in Berlin) with the Nazis as allies against the Jews and the British… They had been receiving reports for years about the admiration of Arabs and other Muslims in the Middle East for Nazi. Germany and its ideals, and during the war, the …
In 1928, the cleric Hassan al-Banna had established the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt. It formed the core cell of modern Islamic fundamentalism. In 1936, the Brotherhood was but a small organization with some 800 members. Yet its ranks soon swelled, and two years later it boasted a total of 200,000. The driving factor behind this upsurge was mobilization for the Arab uprising in Palestine, as passages of the Koran hostile to Jews were interwoven with antisemitic
formulations of struggle from the Third Reich, and the hatredof the Jews was transformed into jihad, “holy war.” The consequence was boycott campaigns and violent demonstrations under the slogan,“Jews out of Egypt and Palestine!”
In October 1938, a conference of Islamic parliamentarians “for the defense of Palestine” was held in Cairo; antisemitic tracts were distributed, including the Arabic versions of Hitler’s Mein Kampf and the Protocols of the Elders of Zion.
In contrast, the Syrian National Socialist Party, founded in Damascus by Antun Saadeh in 1932, was decidedly secular and totalitarian, as were the Phalanges Libanaises, founded in 1936, and based on the principle of the “strong leader.” They postulated a folk-ethnic superiority and, in their external forms, borrowed from the paradigm of the NSDAP, as manifest in their swastika flag and fascist salute with a raised hand.
In Trans-Jordan, under the Hashemite Emir Abdullah, the most moderate country in the region, there were also traces of antisemitism. The British representative in Amman noted in February 1941:“There has been a certain amount of pro-Nazi talk.”
In Saudi Arabia, in 1939, King Ibn Saud offered the use of Saudi Arabia as a waystation for German weaponry shipments to Palestine and openly expressed his sympathies for Nazi ideology: “All Arabs and Muslims throughout the world have great respect for Germany, enhanced by the struggle Germany is waging against Judaism, the arch enemy of the Arab nation.”
In March 1937, Walter Doehle, the German consul-general in Jerusalem, wrote a position statement on the future aims of German policy in Palestine in which he commented on the enthusiasm for Nazism among Palestinians:
Palestinian Arabs in all social strata have great sympathies for the new Germany and its Führer. These are sympathies that should be deemed even more valuable since they are on a purely abstract level.… If a person identified himself as a German when faced with threats from an Arab crowd, this alone generally allowed him to pass freely. But when some identified themselves by making the “Heil Hitler” salute, in most cases the Arabs’ attitude became expressions of open enthusiasm, and the German gave ovations, to which the Arabs responded loudly. Enthusiasm for our Führer and the new Germany is probably so widespread because the Palestinian Arabs, in their struggle for existence, long for an Arab “Führer.” And because in their fight against the Jews, they sense that they share a common single front with the Germans.
This glowing veneration for the Führer was confined not only to Palestine. A situation report from the German legation in Teheran emphasized the almost grotesque degree of enthusiasm among Muslims there for Nazism:
In his press, a Teheran printer of pictures made pictures of the Führer as well as of Ali, the first Imam. For months, these large pictures were hanging to the left and right of the front door to his shop. Anyone with the proper knowledge understood this juxtaposition. Its meaning: Ali is the first Imam, Adolf Hitler the last.
Among Arabs, in the summer of 1942, there was indeed a concrete expectation that the Germans would soon be on the march, advancing in force into the region. In mid-August, a liaison officer commented on the situation in Syria:
The friendly mood to the Germans among the Muslim Arabs continues unabated. In general, they express the wish that the Germans might soon arrive and liberate the country from the occupying forces and from its misery. To speak about Hitler publicly, the Arabs use a number of pseudonyms. The newest code name for Hitler is “Hajj Numur,” the tiger. Wishes for Hitler’s victory often serve as a form of greeting.
Correspondingly, a military handbook on Syrian political life listed pro-German parties and groupings almost exclusively: if the Wehrmacht should appear on the scene, they would not resist but rather would collaborate with the conquering forces.
That same year, the British Secret Intelligence Service assessed the situation in Iraq, concluding
that 95 percent of the population there was also favorably disposed toward Germany.
In the same vein, a report by Schellenberg on Palestine noted:
The exceptionally positive attitude among Arabs toward Germans is largely connected with the hope that “Hitler will come” to drive out the Jews. Field Marshal Rommel has become a legendary personality. Thus it is that Arabs today long for a German invasion, and repeatedly ask when the Germans will arrive. And they are very unhappy that they have no weapons.
Schellenberg commented on the impact of German radio propaganda in Palestine:
The Arabs have an unshakeable faith that the Germans will be victorious. The German short wave broadcasts are listened to only by a small number. But their content soon makes the rounds of the Arab people. It is exaggerated and embellished in an Oriental manner to the point where the original text can barely be recognized.
Just how volatile the mood was in the summer of 1942, in heated anticipation of the arrival of the German forces, is reflected in the report of a liaison officer. He noted that part of the 9th British Army had remained in Palestine, despite the ever-more critical military situation, in order to defend the Jewish population there from Arab attacks. Such defensive measures also appear to have been urgently needed, because in the course of the German advance, thousands of Arab soldiers had deserted the British army. By 1943, some 8,000 Arabs, 7,000 of them from Palestine, had deserted with their weapons and disappeared into hiding, so as to join Rommel’s invasion later on.
Already in June 1941, Hitler was contemplating possible collaboration between the Arabs and the Third Reich. He spoke of “utilizing the Arab liberation movement” as an important trump card for the Germans against the existing British position and presence in the Near East. The decisive link between National Socialism and the Arab cause was antisemitism. A liaison officer reported in the summer of 1942: “The English have managed to make themselves hated throughout the Near East, especially because of their alliance with the Jews.”
Erwin Ettel, SS-Brigadeführer and expert on the Near East in the Foreign Office, noted that same year:
The Arab Question is bound up insolubly with the Jewish Question. The Jews are the mortal enemy of the Arabs, as they are the deadly enemy of the Germans. Anyone in Germany who deals with Arab politics must be a convinced and uncompromising adversary of the Jews.
Amin el-Husseini: Nazi Collaborator and Radical Jew-Hater
The most important collaborator with the Nazis on the Arab side, and,at the same time, a rabid antisemite, was Haj Amin el-Husseini, the Grand Mufti of Jerusalem. In his person, we can see exemplified the decisive role played by hatred for the Jews within the project of German-Arab cooperation. There are countless statements made by him during his lifetime that clearly articulate his antisemitic attitudes. For example, el-Husseini gave a talk on the occasion of the opening of the Islamic Central Institute in Berlin in 1942, which prototypically reflects his recurrent patterns of interpretation.
On the one hand, he argued along fundamentalist Islamic lines, emphasizing: “Among the most
bitter enemies of the Muslims, who for ages have professed their hostility and everywhere make use of spite and cunning in their encounter with Muslims, are the Jews and their accessories.”
On the other hand, the Mufti was not only a religious fanatic. In order to disseminate hatred
of the Jews, he also resorted to the central antisemitic stereotypesof Nazi ideology, as another passage from this lecture shows:
In England and America, Jewish influence is dominant. It is the same Jewish influence that lurks behind godless communism, which is inimical to all religions and fundamental principles. That Jewish influence is what has incited the peoples, plunging them into this destructive war of attrition, whose tragic fate benefits the Jews and only them. The Jews are the inveterate enemies of the Muslims, along with their allies the British, the Americans and the Bolsheviks.
Such passages indicate that el-Husseini and his rhetoric should not be characterized solely along one-dimensional lines as an Arab nationalist. Especially when he was concerned with eliminating the Jewish presence in Palestine or elsewhere, the Grand Mufti was a National
Socialist and Islamic fundamentalist at one and the same time.
Who was Haj Amin El-Husseini? He was born between 1893 and 1897 to one of the two most influential families in Palestine. His grandfather, father, and brother before him had all occupied the religious office of Mufti (judge) of Jerusalem, but he had only a superficial religious education. He then embarked on a military career in the Ottoman army, where he also served during World War I.60 After that, he became even more opposed to the newly created British Mandate in Palestine, and an advocate of the Arab cause. El-Husseini was one of the instigators of the pro-Syrian riots in Jerusalem in April 1920, and also steered them in an anti-Jewish direction. The result was five Jews dead and 234 injured. El-Husseini fled to Syria and was sentenced in absentia by the British to ten years in prison.
But exile and condemnation did not spell the early political end of the demagogue. Rather, the British rewarded him with an important office, in a conciliatory move toward the Palestinian-Arab national movement. In a manipulated electoral procedure, he was named Mufti
of Jerusalem; the next year, he became President of the Supreme Muslim Council, which the British had created. Thus, in a very short time, he found himself exercising the greatest influence of any Arab in Palestine. In the meanwhile, Arab riots in 1921 led to the death of forty-seven Jews. In 1929, a renewed wave of disturbances took a total of 133 Jewish lives.
It was precisely the terror that raged in 1929 that indicates vividly the fact that those who were behind the disturbances were not simply seeking to prevent the mounting Zionist immigration; rather they were fighting the essence of Jewish life in Palestine as a whole. Responding to calls on August 16, 1929, the birthday of the Prophet Muhammed, 2,000 Muslims descended on the Western Wall in Jerusalem, shouting slogans such as “Kill the Jews.” In their frenzy, they beat up Jews praying at that holy site. A week later, on August 23, Arab rioting escalated in the city, and that same afternoon a rumor also reached Hebron that Jews were slaughtering Arabs in Jerusalem. Centuries of the small Jewish minority’s peaceful coexistence with the Arabs in Hebron could not halt the subsequent wave of anti-Jewish violence that erupted. On August 24, 1929, an all-out massacre took place in Hebron, and sixtyseven Jews were murdered.
Following the Nazi rise to power in Germany, the Mufti immediately commanded great sympathy and admiration. In March 1933, he sent the new rulers in Berlin his best wishes, stressing in particular his unconditional support for the struggle against Jewish influence.
In 1937, el-Husseini intensified his contacts with Germany and tried to obtain financial aid. The Nazis’ increased interest in the region and search for potential allies there was manifest in the trip to the Near East taken by Herbert Hagen, the head of the Judenreferat in the SDHauptamt,
and by his associate Adolf Eichmann in the fall of 1937.
After a new Arab revolt erupted in mandatory Palestine — beginning in April 1936, and which, by October 15, 1936, cost some eighty Jewish lives — the British Peel Commission published its report, on July 7, 1937, outlining a plan to partition Palestine and create a Jewish state on some 15 percent of the territory. Immediately thereafter a new Arab uprising flared, developing into an anti-Jewish and anti-British guerrilla war. In 1938, it cost 297 Jewish lives. The Mufti had managed to avoid arrest by the British by fleeing to safety in 1937, to the grounds of the Al-Aksa Mosque. From there, he continued to lead the uprising.
A report by German Vice-Consul Herbert Dittmann gives an indication of the atmosphere in the country at the time, even if it might reflect to a certain extent what a Nazi official hoped to find. He noted that there was “anarchy for all practical purposes” in Palestine. Then he spoke about the methods being employed by the terrorists:
“The initially small number of Arabs active in the uprising have managed in the meantime to gain the support of the entire Arab people.” Their methods are “often quite cruel.” The fanatical activists employed the “most extreme personal terror, which does not hesitate to perpetrate targeted killings.”
People accused of cooperating in any way with the British mandatory administration had been murdered; at times their bodies were mutilated, their hearts torn out, or throats cut and tongues
removed. Those murdered in this way were then buried with signs saying, “This is how we treat those who betray the national cause.”
Such massive terror within the society abruptly interrupted the development of a civil society in the Arab community in Palestine. The Arab sphere broke its link with the British legal system and any semblance of constitutional law, instead using unbridled violence to pass judgment as it saw fit. The insurgents forced their will on Palestinian society and replaced the rule of law by arbitrary force. The society was now based on surveillance and informing on one’s neighbors. As
Dittmann described the situation, it hunted down the “enemies of the revolution” and “un-Islamic” deviants.
Not all Arabs in Palestine joined the faction led by the Mufti, becoming radical antisemites. But the consequence of this deluge of terror was that moderate voices were silenced; to advocate such views had now become a threat to one’s very life.
Dittmann confirmed that the terrorists were ultimately successful. They now could seriously be considered to have become the “agents of a popular movement.” He illustrated this by noting a development he had recently observed in the streets:
Suddenly the word went out that all who supported the national cause of Palestine should wear the same headdress as the insurgents, a kaffiyeh and agal [headscarf and double cord]. This order was adhered to by the entire Arab population in Palestine, Muslim and Christian, effendis and fellahs, so that today the tarbush, the headdress of the urban Arabs over centuries, has completely vanished from view, and the towns in Palestine provide an external image that is completely changed.
The insurgents had requested the Germans in Palestine to use swastika flags for their own protection in order to identify themselves. On the whole, in Dittmann’s view, the Palestinian Arabs felt that, “it is possible for a united, fanatic people to force their will even on the English, who previously had been regarded as invulnerable.”
While the uprising in Palestine raged on unabated, the Grand Mufti managed, in October 1937, to flee from Jerusalem to Lebanon, under the very eyes of the British. Two years later, he fled to Iraq. There he quickly established contact with an influential circle of military men well disposed toward the Germans, and politicians around Rashid Ali al-Gailani, who, in 1940, became the Iraqi prime minister, but was soon forced to step down in January 1941.
When it became clear that the British were successfully pressing his successor for a more
critical policy toward the Axis powers, al-Gailani and the Iraqi military staged a coup against the government on April 1, 1941, with the support of the Mufti. The insurgents sought military assistance in Germany and Italy, shifting immediately to a confrontation course with Great
Britain. A short time later, a British army corps landed near Basra.
In this case as well, the uprising against the British Empire coincided with a direct attack on the Jews. On June 1, 1941, a pogrom broke out in Baghdad against the Jewish community there. The violence raged for two days and took 110 Jewish lives. Some 240 Jews were injured, 86 Jewish shops and workshops were plundered, and 911 houses and apartments destroyed. On June 9, the Italian legation there reported that Jews “were continuing to be attacked and looted in Baghdad.”
Once again, el-Husseini and the Iraqis in revolt sought and found the help of the Nazis. But since Hitler was busy organizing airborne troop drops against Crete and preparations for the attack on the Soviet Union, German weapons shipments via Syria and the support of the German air force turned out to be far too modest in scope. As a consequence, the Iraqi army was quickly defeated by the British, and el-Husseini fled to Iran with al-Gailani. After a few weeks there, he proceeded via Turkey to Italy, where he arrived in early October 1941, and consulted with Mussolini. On November 6, 1941, he relocated to Berlin, and al-Gailani followed him there on November 21.
On November 28, el-Husseini had an audience with Hitler, during which Hitler raised the topic that especially interested his guest: “Germany supports an uncompromising struggle against the Jews.”
He then spoke about the current military situation, emphasizing that the real German aim
in the Orient was to “destroy the Jews living in the Arab area under the aegis of British might.”
The Mufti thanked Hitler for these assurances, stating that, for his part, he had full confidence in the German initiative. This Arab solidarity with the Third Reich, primarily motivated by
antisemitism, and with the common basis of the struggle against Jewish life in the Near East, was later repeatedly stressed and underwent further concrete elaboration. In a letter to the Reich foreign minister, the Grand Mufti and al-Gailani officially sought German support, in April 1942, for the “elimination of the Jewish National Home in Palestine.”
Given such a formula for alliance, Ribbentrop did not find it difficult to agree. Shortly afterward, the Mufti stressed that, “Arab interests are completely identical in thrust with those of the Germans.”
Along with unity in the struggle against England and communism, there was agreement most especially with regard to fighting against the Jews.
Germany was the only country in the world that did not limit itself to struggling against the Jews solely on its own soil, but had also declared an uncompromising war on world Jewry. In this
struggle of Germany against international Jewry, the Arabs felt a very close bond of solidarity with Germany.
As had been evident earlier in his efforts to organize anti-British uprisings and anti-Jewish pogroms in the Near East, the Grand Mufti in exile in Germany was not satisfied with mere rhetoric and antisemitic tirades. Rather, he continued to pursue the vision of the destruction of
the Jews and the simultaneous creation of a pan-Arab empire under his leadership. This was to culminate in a new Caliphate, yet to be established.
Among other things, he declared his readiness to help set up armed units of Arab volunteers for the struggle. Trained by Germans, they were to take part side by side with them in the fight against the British in the Middle East. Subsequently, in the framework of the Special Staff F, under General Hellmuth Felmy, who had participated in the abortive German intervention in Iraq in 1941, the German-Arab Training Department (Deutsch-Arabische Lehrabteilung) was established.
Like the Einsatzkommando Egypt, it was marking time, in the summer of 1942, in mainland Greece at Cape Sunion, awaiting imminent deployment. Along with his diverse contacts with the Italians, the German Foreign Office, and the Wehrmacht, it can be proven that the Mufti also
had direct communication with the Judenreferat in the RSHA. A short time after his first meeting with Himmler, el-Husseini paid a visit to the Section Head IV B 4, Obersturmbannführer Adolf Eichmann.
On this occasion (the visit must have been the end of 1941, or the beginning of 1942), Eichmann provided his much-impressed guest with an intensive look at the current state of the “Solution of the Jewish Question in Europe” by the Third Reich, and illustrated this with numerous statistics and maps. For his part, the Grand Mufti informed Eichmann that he had already received approval from Himmler that, after the Axis victory, one of the advisors on Jewish affairs from Eichmann’s section would go with him to Jerusalem in order to come to practical grips with the virulent questions still remaining there. Eichmann, who was very impressed by the Mufti, subsequently met with him a number of times.
However, the basic questions pertaining to the “Jewish Question”in Palestine appeared to have been clarified already during their first meeting. This can be safely assumed, since el-Husseini later turned directly to Eichmann’s competent associate to discuss practical matters in more precise detail. There is evidence that the Grand Mufti met at least on one occasion with Sturmbannführer Friedrich Suhr, head of IV B 4 b (“Jewish Affairs”) during the first half of 1942, as Suhr’s secretary later confirmed.85 During this period the Mufti was, as mentioned, directly assisted by Obersturmführer Hans-Joachim Weise, who later was assigned to Rauff’s Einsatzkommando.
The capture of Tobruk, at the end of June 1942, was the starting signal both for the RSHA and el-Husseini to render the plan for the destruction of the Jews in Palestine into more concrete terms. While the Einsatzkommando for the Panzer Army Africa was put together in Berlin and sent on to Athens to await further orders, the Mufti also intensified his activities to liberate Palestine. He offered to travel to Egypt and become active in propaganda work there in order to spur Arab collaboration. In this connection, he also called for dispatching the German-Arab Training Department to Egypt. His tactic to destabilize the British position in the Middle East and prepare it for a German invasion was summed up by el-Husseini in the following words:
Set up bands of Arabs as a fighting force and equip them. They will march to Egypt and other Arab countries in order to disturb and harass the enemy by destroying roads, bridges and possibilities for contact more generally, and to promote uprisings inside the country.… Set up regular Arab military units that will operate side by side together with troops of the Axis powers. These units will have a morally favorable impact in the Arab countries and will draw the volunteers in the British army to their side.… Dispatch weapons and munitions to Egypt behind enemy lines, and then to Palestine, Syria and Iraq — in order to lay the groundwork for uprisings and to harass the enemy.
The Overlooked Project for Mass Murder
It is well known that the Germans did not reach Palestine and the Rauff Commando did not embark upon its envisioned agenda of operations there. The halt at El Alamein, which Rommel expected would be a short stay-over, ultimately became a turning point for the advance of the Axis powers. After it had proved impossible to successfully resume German-Italian operations, the Panzer Army Africa was forced into a final withdrawal and retreat from Egypt and Libya by the power of the British counter-offensive that commenced in early November 1942.
As a result of the unfavorable course for the German forces of the second battle at El Alamein — as the conclusion, on September 3, made it evident that a conquest of Egypt would be deferred to a more distant future — the Rauff Commando was given orders to leave Athens in September 1942. It returned to Berlin and remained there, apparently still intact, because precisely two months later the unit was deployed, at the very same strength of 7:17, in Tunis. In Tunis, the Commando unit was assigned at least three more SS officers, and the personnel was strengthened from the original twenty-four men to 100.
Out of consideration for Germany’s close ally in Tunisia, which the Germans accepted as an Italian sphere of interest, the Rauff Commando did not organize a mass murder of the Jewish population there. Instead, Rauff and his men were put to work registering the Jews and deploying them at forced labor for the construction of fortifications.
Rauff’s previous record makes it more than likely that if there had been less requisite consideration for the Italian ally and its wishes, Rauff would doubtlessly have been prepared to press ahead with the mass murder of the Jewish population in Tunisia, too. In addition, an assessment by Rudolf Rahn, the German ambassador in Italy, who expressly praised the “exceptionally energetic and successful activity of Obersturmbannführer Rauff,” suggests that Rauff was probably only allowed to a very restricted extent to pursue his true calling in Tunisia.
Shortly before the Axis troops surrendered in Africa on May 13, 1943, the Rauff Commando was withdrawn, on May 9, from Tunis and sent to Naples. It was then transferred for Security Police duties to the island of Corsica. At the beginning of September, Rauff was placed under the commander of the SIPO and SD Italy, where he was responsible among other things for “combating partisans” in his new capacity as commander of the Group Upper Italy-West.
The end of the Africa campaign of the Axis powers should not obscure a central fact: in the special strategic situation that developed during the summer of 1942, Rommel’s Panzer Army Africa stood on the verge of a breakthrough into Palestine. The Germans had prepared for this scenario: with the Einsatzkommando under Rauff and certain support that could be expected from the Arab side in Palestine, the mass murder of the Jewish population in mandatory Palestine could also have been put into high gear once that breakthrough occurred.
Down to the present, this plan has not become part of public historical awareness. There were some German state prosecutors who did at least hear certain intimations about these designs in the interrogations they conducted of the potential perpetrators after the war. However, the lawyers did not interest themselves in the murderous intention that emerged in these statements, since destruction of human life not carried out was not a criminal offense that could be prosecuted in a court of law.
It is obvious that the history of the Middle East would have taken a far different course, and it probably would never have been possible to establish a Jewish state if the project described here had been made a concrete reality by the joint action of the Germans and Arabs. It was only thanks to El Alamein and the second Allied front that opened up in November 1942 in North Africa that the Yishuv — at the time nearly half a million Jews in Palestine — were spared and survived.
(Yad Vashem studies, Volume 37, Part 1 By Yad ṿa-shem, rashut ha-zikaron la-Shoʼah ṿela-gevurah – Wallstein Verlag, 2009
[ISSN 0084-3296] – Page 111)
The Nazi-Islamist Connection – Herbert EiteneierPalestinian maps, including in textbooks, do not show Israel at all; Palestinian sources omit the Mufti’s role in Nazism and deny the Holocaust, …
Admiration of Hitler and Nazism | PMWThe name Hitler does not have the stigma in Palestinian society that it has in the … This is the source of the names Rommel [Nazi General]…
Arab Nazism: Then and Now – FPM Article Feb 24, 2003 … Similarities between German and Arab nationalist extremes are not … The Nazi party and the Baath party express concepts of destiny with a …
Eyewitness to Evil – Palestinian Nazism The anti-Jewish Nazi legacy continues today in Arab towns within Israel’s borders. “Heil Palestine!!” shout the graduates of the Palestinian Police Academy …
Despite Hitler and Nazis’ contempt for the “inferior” Arab and all Middle-Easterners’ race, who have been considered ‘half-apes.’ (http://books.google.com/books?id=GteStbiDEjAC&pg=PA140) Nazi Arabs managed to “rise” above humiliation for the sake of the ‘greater common evil’ AKA: anti-Semitism [anti-Jew-ism].
Stop The ISM Jul 3, 2006 … MORE ON SFSU’S NAZI-ARAB ANTI-JEW HATEFEST …. fact that Al Awda also links up with the American Nazi Party’s website is beside the point. …
Tags: “occupation” crap, anti Semitism, Anton Saada, Arab Nazi Parties, Arab Nazi Party, Arab nazis, Arab racism, Arabs, Aryans, bigotry, Farhud, fascism, Haj Amin Al Husseini, half-apes, Hebron massacre 1929, History, Hitler, Holocaust, inferior race, intolerance, Iraq, Islam, Islamofascism, Islamonazis, Israel, Jews, Jimmy Carter, Jordan, Judaism, KKK, Lebanon, Middle East, monkeys, Mufti, Muslims, Nasser, Nazi Arab, Nazi Arabs, Nazi Palestine, Nazis, Nazism, occuptaion excuse, Palestine, racism, Religion, Saadat, SNNP, Syria, WW2, WWII, Young Egypt, Zionism